The job is fulfilling: “hutoki bure” (at least there is some money)

For most of the drivers interviewed, working in this sector gives them a chance to earn, for which they are grateful. Some drivers either rent a vehicle from an owner and list their services on a platform. Others drive their own vehicles, which they either own outright or have bought with aloan. Some car owners employ drivers to work for an agreed daily or monthly fee; others register their vehicles on platforms and ask platforms to recruit drivers on their behalf.  Car ownership leads to differences in earnings and experience between drivers. 

Drivers may engage in unorthodox means to stay competitive.

As most drivers describe themselves as self-employed, flexibility means sometimes ditching the platforms when there are low returns to do something else and return during peak hours. Others work seven days a week, using Sunday to try to meet their weekly targets. The majority of drivers have daily targets that they use to move their business. Drivers may engage in unorthodox means to stay competitive in the face of competition. Some drivers take requests offline and give discounts to customers as a way to form relationships. 

Drivers believe there’s a need to reimagine partnership.

Despite the ability to earn, tensions emerge on how the platforms engage with drivers. Platforms promote their promise of joining and earning, but in the face of low demand, drivers now want to redefine the partnership. “… if I take my cab there I’m not an employee, I am a partner. That’s why my car is mine and the app is yours.” —Tom, 30, Driver (Nakuru)

Drivers find digital platforms attractive because they are more secure and have higher access to clients. Some drivers also use platforms for price checks, especially for offline clients, when traveling to a new destination. As long as there is work, drivers will continue to use digital platforms; failure to get riders will result in drivers leaving the platforms. 

Community networks enable drivers to share information, but there is no clear path to collective action. 

Community networks are stronger in Nakuru and Kitale, where drivers use them to circulate information, such as techniques for handling bad customers, collective action to effect change in the platforms, social ride-sharing, and social welfare. This is usually through online groups, especially WhatsApp.

Community support also extends to social welfare, where drivers contribute a certain amount to the families that have lost immediate family members. Drivers also request help when clients refuse to make payments or if they sense danger.

The future is not always in the driver’s eyes.

Because there is no clear path of upward mobility, growth in this sector may take several streams. For some, purchasing their first or additional assets is the ultimate growth; for others, ride-hailing platforms are launching pads to other sectors. Others, especially in rural towns, can be elevated to levels such as supervisors of other drivers (this is for owners with multiple cars) or find other ways to earn an income, for instance, regular paying clients.

Drivers face compounding vulnerabilities.

Echoing the logistics sector and other ride-hailing reports, drivers face many on-the-ground challenges: long working hours with few or no breaks, lack of safety nets, legal and governmental challenges, and insecurity. Some of these challenges were exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic, where drivers’ lives were at risk. Interviewees also brought up the issue of not getting any support from platforms to dialogue with county governments about license fees and operation within the city, a situation which presents vulnerability and shifts most of the responsibility for compliance from the platform to individual drivers.

Female drivers face specific societal views and challenges.

Men dominate the industry. Some state that there are few women drivers because of the complexity of acquiring a Public Service Vehicle license. Others speak about safety concerns. Even if women are willing to join, they cannot effectively compete with men, as they will not work during odd hours due to safety concerns and what some researchers call women’s triple burden: reproduction, production, and community.